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Noor Aljaberi was in her early 20s and studying IT in Baghdad when the United States invaded Iraq in March 2003, completely upending every aspect of her life and her plans for the future.
Her family applied for humanitarian visas in Australia, which they were granted in 2004.
But leaving wasn’t an easy choice for the family because of their deep love for and connection to Iraq.
“We were close with family. Like many others, we value education, we worked hard, and we simply enjoy everyday life,” she says.

“But the war, it really disturbed our lives and many other people’s lives. Everyone knew a war was coming, but no one could predict how devastating it would be.”

Two men in army camouflage shirts put their arms around an elderly man in a white shirt.

Then-Australian prime minister John Howard, visiting Australian troops in the Middle East in 2003. Source: AAP / AP

The US’ allies, including Australia and the United Kingdom, immediately joined the conflict and formed what became known as the ‘coalition of the willing’. Their involvement in the war was based on supposed intelligence, later proven to be false, that Iraq had ‘weapons of mass destruction’.

Israel has said the attack was launched in self-defence, claiming Iran is close to producing a nuclear weapon: a rationale that some commentators have likened to the rhetoric used by conservative politicians who called for the US invasion of Iraq back in 2003.
Such preemptive attacks are illegal under the United Nations charter, which forbids attacks justified by a future threat.
A week before instructing US forces to bomb Iranian nuclear sites, US President Donald Trump wrote on Truth Social: “IRAN CAN NOT HAVE A NUCLEAR WEAPON.”
Less than two days later, Trump wrote on the same social media platform that a ceasefire between Iran and Israel had gone into effect, declaring the conflict would now be known as the ’12-day war’.

Within hours of the announcement, Israel reported intercepting missiles from Iran, and the following morning, Iranian state media reported retaliatory strikes from Israel.

 A destroyed building.

Israeli soldiers and a rescue team search for survivors amid the rubble of residential buildings destroyed by an Iranian missile strike that killed several people, in Beersheba, Israel. Source: AP / Leo Correa

Despite a rocky start, Trump has remained adamant that the ceasefire will hold, signalling a potential departure from the Iraq war years and ending a conflict with Iran before it could get started.

But has the US military, the richest in the world, learned from its past?

‘The Iraq playbook’

Earlier this month, after the first strikes from Israel and Iran were traded, UK MP Zarah Sultana wrote a popular post online about Israel taking its tactics from “the Iraq playbook”.

Tulsi Gabbard, director of the US national intelligence, also said in a press conference in March that US intelligence shows Iran does not have a nuclear weapons program.
A day before Israel’s strikes on 13 June, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reported Iran was able to produce 34kg of uranium enriched to 60 per cent each month. International guidelines suggest around 3-5 per cent would be enough for civilian reactors — the kind typically used for non-military applications, such as generating electricity — while uranium enriched to 90 per cent would be enough to produce weapons.
According to the IAEA, Iran has amassed enough uranium enriched to near-weapons-grade levels that, if further enriched, could yield material for about nine nuclear bombs.
However, there remains uncertainty over whether Iran possesses the technical capability to build and deliver a functional modern nuclear weapon. And Iran has always denied it has any ambitions to do so.

Yet on Sunday morning AEST, US missiles hit Iranian nuclear sites, causing what Trump described as “monumental damage”.

The operation, codenamed Midnight Hammer, involved 125 US military aircraft and targeted three nuclear facilities: Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan.
Shahram Akbarzadeh, director of Deakin University’s Middle East forum, says America’s decision to enter the conflict between Israel and Iran shows a disregard for the “mistakes” of the Iraq invasion and other interventions in the Middle East over the last two decades.
“The US did not learn anything from the Iraq War because during the Iraq War, it became very clear, very fast that Iraq did not have weapons of mass destruction,” he tells SBS News.
“Military intervention really brought more misery to the whole region than the US could solve.”

Akbarzadeh says the Iraq War was “a diplomatic disaster for the US”, which positioned the US as a bully that acted outside international law.

Soldiers in army fatigues and helmets stand on a street with grand Middle Eastern-style buildings.

US troops in Baghdad, 2003. Noor Aljaberi’s said her whole world collapsed when US troops invaded Iraq. Source: Supplied / Noor Aljaberi

Akbarzadeh says the US has once again “acted on faulty intelligence”, referring to Trump’s claims that Iran is seeking to build a nuclear weapon.

“Now, again, the United States acted outside international law by attacking Iran and reinforced the perception that it’s only concerned with its own power and not legality or other countries’ sovereign rights,” he says.
A key difference between the US’ attack on Iran compared with its previous campaign in Iraq is in the brevity of strikes and the decision not to send troops on the ground.
By the time US troops left Iraq in 2011 — more than eight years after first being deployed — upwards of 4,000 had been killed, along with hundreds of thousands of Iraqis.
Approximately 2,000 Australian troops were stationed in Iraq for over five years.

The Iraq campaign was deeply unpopular in Australia. It sparked some of the largest protests in the country’s history, with hundreds of thousands marching against Australia’s involvement.

Two men wearing costume heads of George W Bush and John Howard outside Sydney's Queen Victoria building.

Protesters mocking then-US president George W Bush and then-Australian prime minister John Howard during an anti-Bush protest in Sydney in October 2003. Source: AAP / AP

Yet as Australian soldiers started their staggered withdrawal from Iraq on 1 June 2008 under then-prime minister Kevin Rudd, his predecessor John Howard defended his decision to send in troops in 2003.

“I firmly believe it was the right thing to have done,” Howard told reporters, saying the cost of the war had been “very, very heavy and much greater than anybody would have liked”.

But the rationale used by the US and its counterparts has been widely discredited in the years since, as Iraq has struggled with a weak economy and disordered society.

From ‘weapons of mass destruction’ to regime change

The US changed the narrative about its goals in Iraq shortly after invading the landlocked Middle Eastern country. What started as a mission to find supposed weapons of mass destruction shifted to building democracy in Iraq and freeing the Iraqi population from tyranny.
In a similar vein, Israeli leadership has long called for the overthrow of the Iranian regime, arguing the only way it can be safe from the perceived threat of nuclear weapons is if Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, is removed from power.
Khamenei has repeatedly emphasised his 2003 fatwa (Islamic legal ruling) against the development of nuclear weapons, but Iran has backed several proxy militias over the past two decades in Yemen, Syria, Gaza and Lebanon with the stated aim of destroying Israel.

In brokering a ceasefire, Trump has put the idea of toppling the Iranian regime “to one side”, Akbarzadeh explains.

 A US marine pulls down a poster of former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein.

Chaos reigned in Iraq when coalition troops removed Saddam Hussein from power. Credit: Chris Hondros/Getty Images

But experts warn that regime change may not necessarily yield a positive outcome for Iranians. For many Iraqis, what came after Hussein was more dangerous than the dictator’s rule.

Sina Azodi, assistant professor of Middle East politics at the US-based George Washington University, says in overthrowing Hussein, the US essentially collapsed Iraqi society and created a power vacuum.
“[That] fundamentally changed the Middle East,” he says.
During its occupation of Iraq, US forces decided to exclude members of the Ba’ath Party from being part of the next government, which meant hundreds of thousands of civil workers, including teachers and public servants, could not return to their jobs.
Disbanding the military also significantly added to the number of broke, angry civilians, Azodi says. This fuelled insurgent groups within Iraq.

“You had thousands of men with weapons trained on how to use these weapons — they had expertise on explosives — and they started getting paid by these radical forces that paid them to kill Americans, and paid $500 more if they could film it,” he says.

So when you have an absence of central authority, it will always be filled. The question is by whom.

Azodi says other Western attempts to overthrow regimes in the Middle East, including in Afghanistan, led to the flourishing of terrorist militias, including the self-proclaimed Islamic State group and Al-Qaeda.

This had knock-on effects not only for geopolitical relations between Middle Eastern and Western powers, but also spurred anti-Middle Eastern sentiment.

“Middle Eastern-looking men of military age were viewed with a lot of suspicion around the world,” Azodi says, adding they were treated unfairly and developed a lot of resentment.

“It meant that they couldn’t find jobs and they couldn’t adjust in society. And guess what? It actually led them in some cases to extremism, acts of violence and terrorism.”

‘The world was collapsing’: The civilian burden of war and regime change

Aljaberi was in Baghdad when Hussein’s regime fell, where she had been desperately awaiting a safe passage out of the country.
She recalls how the bombings, air raids and destruction of infrastructure caused by fighting between militias and Western forces made her feel “like the world was collapsing”.
“Baghdad was once a vibrant and proud city, and overnight it was turned into a place of fear and chaos,” she says.
“I remember the nights when we would hear missiles, gunshots or explosions, and we didn’t know who was being targeted or whether it was coming closer.”
She says regime change didn’t bring peace and it’s delusional to think that another country could initiate peace by force.
“There were armed groups everywhere, taking over neighbourhoods and streets became very dangerous — the people were in constant fear,” she says.
“Even simple things like if we go to school, work, university or even the local nearby market, it was very dangerous because those armed groups were on every corner.

“It’s something I feel should no-one should ever endure, especially children and the elderly.”

A man wearing a black jacket, white shirt and red, black and white tie, with a blue and gold medal pinned to his jacket

Dr Ramzi Al Barnouti fled the Iraq war for Australia after several of his colleagues had been tortured and kidnapped. Source: Supplied

Dr Ramzi al Barnouti also fled Iraq for Australia following the US invasion and occupation.

He says he knew he had to leave the country when his doctor colleagues were being kidnapped and beaten by rebel forces in Baghdad in 2004.
“First one doctor disappears and they ask for a ransom, then two, then three,” he says.
He explains that each person who was captured had to give the names of five of his colleagues or face being killed by the rebels.
Al Barnouti knew he would eventually be named and kidnapped too.
The now 87-year-old escaped to Jordan, where he waited for an Australian humanitarian visa, which was granted in late 2004.
He has spent over 20 years volunteering and representing the Iraqi community in Australia, and says he has a peaceful and happy life.
An estimated 11,000 Iraqis resettled in Australia between 2001 and 2007.

Al Barnouti says a key message from the Iraq War still hasn’t been learned.

In war and conflict, everybody loses every time. Peace is the only path to dignified life.

Why Trump is different to other US presidents

Members of Trump’s government have said US strikes on Iran were not aimed at instigating a regime change, only at dismantling its nuclear capabilities; however, on social media, Trump indicated pushing for regime change was not out of the question.
Akbarzadeh says Trump appears to be less interested in continuing wars in the Middle East or trying to force American democracy into the region than his predecessor, Bush.
“I don’t think Trump has much interest in changing the regime in Iran. And he probably realises the enormous amount of investment he has to make to effect it,” he says.
“He is more isolationist and you could say less hawkish than previous presidents.

“He is not prepared to be the president that has a legacy of another war in the Middle East.”

A man in an Islamic headdress raises his left index finger as he speaks in front of a microphone.

Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has denied Iran has ambitions for a nuclear weapon. Source: AAP / EPA

Iran’s ambassador to Australia, Ahmad Sadeghi, warned in an interview with SBS World News that any Western-led attempt to remove Khamenei would be so severe that he does “not want even to talk about it”.

What could happen next?

Some in Iran are pushing for Khamenei to be overthrown as leader, as his 36-year reign has been deadly for dissenters and left the country in a weak economic state.
Trump has warned Israel and Iran not to further breach the fragile ceasefire he brokered.
“Israel, as soon as we made the deal, they came out and they dropped a load of bombs, the likes of which I’ve never seen before, the biggest load that we’ve seen,” he told reporters earlier this week.
“I’m not happy with Iran either, but I’m really unhappy with Israel going out this morning.

“We basically have two countries that have been fighting so long and so hard that they don’t know what the f*** they’re doing.”

For its part, the Australian government has said it will not get involved, with Defence Minister Richard Marles telling the ABC last week that “we are not a part of this conflict”.
Azodi says he “hopes the American public and society have learned that it is not the job of the United States to go and fight foreign wars”.
“The US fought for 20 years in Afghanistan and Iraq, and its social engineering projects there failed miserably. Iraq is barely standing on its feet. It’s weakened,” he says.

Iran will likely want to maintain the ceasefire, Akbarzadeh says, because it does not want further escalations with the US.

People waving Iranian flags.

Iranians have been protesting in the streets following the US strike on nuclear sites in the country. Source: AAP / Sobhan Farajvan

But Akbarzadeh says it’s probable Iran will harden its resolve against the US and may decline to participate in nuclear talks. Some voices in Iran may even push for the country to develop nuclear weapons.

Aljaberi says Iraqi refugees know all too well the fear, displacement and trauma that comes with war.

“We carry these memories with us and seeing similar things unfold again is really triggering,” she says.

The region has already been disturbed for many years, so the idea of more war in the region is really heartbreaking for many of us from the Middle East.

Aljaberi says that as long as wars continue to be orchestrated by foreign governments, it will be civilians who carry the biggest burden.
“Everyone [from Iraq] has a sense of loss — of loss of the people around you, loss of your country, loss of people you love, and the loss of the future.
“We lost the future, and we lost trust in the future, of what’s going to happen next.”
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