American surveillance firms Palantir and Dataminr have inserted themselves into the U.S. military’s operations center overseeing Gaza’s reconstruction, raising alarms about a dystopian AI-driven occupation regime under the guise of Trump’s peace plan.

Since mid-October, approximately 200 U.S. military personnel have been operating out of the Civil-Military Coordination Center (CMCC) located in southern Israel, just about 20 kilometers from the northern border of Gaza. This establishment was set up as part of President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan, an initiative designed to disarm Hamas, restore stability to the region, and lay the groundwork for Palestinian self-determination. The CMCC has garnered support from the UN Security Council, which underscores its international significance.

However, conspicuously absent from these critical discussions are Palestinian representatives. Instead, the meetings have been marked by the presence of high-profile U.S. tech companies. Notably, Palantir’s “Maven Field Service Representative” and Dataminr’s branding have been spotted, suggesting these firms are looking to capitalize on the conflict’s aftermath.

Palantir’s Maven platform is being highlighted as a cutting-edge “AI-powered battlefield platform” by the U.S. military. It integrates a vast array of data gathered from satellites, drones, spy planes, intercepted communications, and online sources to enhance airstrikes and military operations. This technology is said to streamline the “kill chain,” moving swiftly from target identification to execution. Defense reports emphasize its ability to “package” intelligence into user-friendly apps for military commanders.

The company’s Chief Technology Officer recently described this technology as “optimizing the kill chain.” Palantir has secured a massive $10 billion contract with the U.S. Army to advance Maven further. This platform has played a pivotal role in directing U.S. military strikes in regions like Yemen, Syria, and Iraq.

Palantir’s connections with Israel’s military are well-established, solidified by a strategic partnership formalized in January 2024 to support “war-related missions.” Since opening its Tel Aviv office in 2015, Palantir has significantly increased its presence, particularly in the wake of ongoing operations in Gaza. CEO Alex Karp has staunchly defended this expansion, asserting that Palantir is the first to be “completely anti-woke,” even amid serious allegations of genocide.

Dataminr complements this ecosystem by scraping social media for real-time “event, threat, and risk intelligence.” Starting in the mid-2010s, it provided the FBI with full Twitter access to flag “criminal and terrorist activities,” enabling surveillance of users’ past digital footprints and social connections.

Backed early by the CIA’s In-Q-Tel fund and a Twitter stake, Dataminr has since aided U.S. law enforcement in monitoring Black Lives Matter protests, abortion rights activists, and Gaza ceasefire demonstrators. The Los Angeles Police Department used it this March to flag pro-Palestinian online speech.

These firms’ roles at the CMCC point to an AI-fueled security architecture entrenching Israel’s dominance over Gaza, despite the plan’s vague nod to Palestinian statehood. Maven echoes Israel’s AI targeting systems like Lavender, which has flagged public sector workers as Hamas affiliates for assassination based on opaque criteria. Dataminr’s tools mirror Israeli platforms monitoring Palestinian internet activity. U.S.-Israeli intelligence sharing—exposed by Edward Snowden in 2013 and intensified since October 7—ensures data flows freely, including drone footage and AI analysis on Hamas.

Trump’s blueprint includes an International Stabilization Force (ISF) of multinational troops to manage “Alternative Safe Communities” housing 25,000 Gazans in Israeli-occupied enclaves. Surrounded by fences, cameras, and outposts, entry would hinge on Shin Bet approval, screening for Hamas ties—a net casting wide over Gaza’s public workers. Palantir and Dataminr could map these connections, compile detention lists, and track movements en masse.

Even during the ceasefire, Israeli forces have killed over 340 Palestinians since October 10, per Gaza’s Health Ministry, with bombings persisting. Mohammed Saqr, nursing director at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, told The Guardian: “There isn’t much difference from the period before the ceasefire. Unfortunately, the bombing is still going on.”

This setup recalls past “disengagements” that amplified Israeli control, like Oslo’s telecom dominance or Gaza’s 2005 aerial occupation. Now, U.S. forces and tech partners outsource the labor, testing lethal AI on dwindling Israeli reservists while extracting data for corporate gain.

Microsoft, Google, and Amazon have similarly profited from Gaza’s horrors. The CMCC operates like a “chaotic start-up,” embedding surveillance into Gaza’s political fabric for perpetual profit.