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In July 2014, soon after Ukrainian forces reclaimed the city of Sloviansk in the Donbas region from pro-Russian separatists, Russian state media ran a troubling interview. It was with a woman claiming to be a refugee from Sloviansk, named Galyna Pyshnyak.
The story she told reporters was sensational — it was also false.
Drawing parallels to Nazi soldiers during World War Two, Pyshnyak alleged she had witnessed Ukrainian soldiers crucify a three-year-old boy on a notice board in front of a large crowd in the town’s centre. She claimed the mother of the boy was then tied to a tank and dragged through the streets of Sloviansk.
The interview, broadcast on Channel One Russia, was quickly debunked by several Russian independent media outlets. The European Union’s (EU) flagship project for battling Russian disinformation, EUvsDisinfo, later called the fake story “one of the peaks of the Kremlin-orchestrated campaign targeted at inciting hatred against Ukrainians”.

Evgeny Feldman, a photojournalist for the independent Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta at the time, was in Sloviansk that day and able to fact-check the story.

Feldman tells SBS News the town was experiencing a blackout, and locals did not have access to TV.

“Obviously, they could have heard [the story] as rumours, or they could have witnessed that. So that kind of made it a way to prove that this story is fake,” he says.

And that worked. Not a single person there had heard about it.

Not only was the story made up, but Pyshnyak was revealed to be the wife of a pro-Russian militant.
Despite the story being widely discredited, in some parts of Donbas and online, it continues to be shared more than a decade on.
With the region becoming a major focus of peace talks between Russia and Ukraine — which have stalled this week following Russia’s deadly missile attack on the Ukrainian capital — many are asking why Russian President Vladimir Putin is so determined to wrest control of it.

Donbas: a propaganda hotbed

Comprising the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine, Donbas has been a war zone for more than a decade and most of it is currently under Russian occupation.

It’s a territory known as Ukraine’s ‘energy powerhouse’, home to significant coal and mineral reserves, and is one of the territories reportedly desired by Putin in exchange for ending the war.

But as experts suggest, Donbas has also been a key playing field for the proliferation of Kremlin propaganda for the past 11 years, with disinformation narratives created to justify the invasion.
A new report by the European External Action Service (the diplomatic service of the European Union) suggests almost all of Russia’s disinformation operations aim to weaken international support for Ukraine.
Published last week, the report states Russia uses information manipulation “to swing international opinion to legitimising Russia’s war of aggression” and distract focus from its attacks on civilian targets and infrastructure and its alleged war crimes.

“Historical revisionism and attempts to grossly distort facts became even more mainstream [in 2024]. AI-generated content was used more intensely by pro-Kremlin actors as a tool to flood the information space with manipulative content and false claims,” the report found.

People in a town square

In July 2014, the Ukrainian town of Sloviansk became the subject of pro-Kremlin fake news, identified by the EU’s flagship project to debunk disinformation as “one of the peaks of the Kremlin-orchestrated campaign targeted at inciting hatred against Ukrainians”. Source: Supplied / Evgeny Feldman

Because of the ongoing dispute over Donbas, the territory has become particularly susceptible to pro-Russian propaganda and was one of the few places in Ukraine that continued to broadcast Russian state TV after the invasion in 2014, despite continuous attempts by the Ukrainian government to block the signal.

Experts say Russian forces have capitalised on their stronghold in the region via pro-Russian separatists and online disinformation campaigns that aim to gradually erode social cohesion and rewrite history for people in the area.
Feldman now works in exile, but formerly travelled from Moscow to Ukraine regularly as part of his work covering the Maidan Revolution in Kyiv in 2014, the annexation of Crimea and the first two years of the war in Donbas between 2014 and 2016.

He says, after leaving Sloviansk, he soon went to report from the separatist side and met a man who believed the fake crucifixion story.

“When I was on the separatist side of the front, I met a guy who actually went to fight because he heard that story about this boy who was tortured,” he says.
“Obviously, this is a normal reaction for a man: you see a story that someone has tortured a boy, you take your gun and you go to war to protect such boys. The problem is obviously that at some point you have to question whether the story is true or not.”
Feldman says debunking Russian disinformation is a challenging task.

“It’s very hard to figure out how to work with it. Because obviously, they are able to do five [fake] stories in a time span that you need to contradict the first one.

The Russian government is trying to overload people with these terrible stories, hoping that some will stick and will prevent them from thinking rationally.

“Somehow it works. Maybe you’ll be critical about the first story, and you’ll hear the third one, and you’ll be sure that they are lying to you. But then the fifth or the seventh or the tenth will strike a chord with you.”

Information as a ‘geopolitical weapon’

In 2015, the Council of the European Union identified the growing threat posed by Russia’s disinformation campaigns and called for a strategic plan to challenge them. As a result, EUvsDisinfo was established — a disinformation awareness project under the EU’s diplomatic service spanning a database of debunked fake news.
As of the end of 2024, the database featured more than 18,000 examples of pro-Kremlin disinformation cases. More than 600 of these falsely accuse Ukraine of being a “Nazi” or “fascist” state.
Dr Robert Horvath, a specialist in Russian politics at La Trobe University, tells SBS News there are several red flags when it comes to Russian disinformation about Ukraine.
“[One is] the idea that ethnic Russians in Ukraine were oppressed and they needed to be liberated. Another is that there were overwhelming demands from those ethnic Russians to be liberated, and that those Russians are freer in the occupied territories than they had been in democratic Ukraine,” Horvath says.

“Another major red flag is the designation of the leaders of the Ukrainian government as sympathisers with Nazism, despite the fact that members of [President Volodomyr] Zelenskyy’s Jewish family died during the Holocaust and that the Ukrainian state is far more tolerant towards minorities than the Russian state has been.”

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EUvsDisinfo, disinformation awareness project under the EU’s diplomatic service, was established in 2015 in response to the call by the Council of the European Union to establish a strategic plan to counter the growing threat posed by Russia’s disinformation campaigns. Credit: SBS News

Russia first invaded Ukraine in 2014 by annexing Crimea and backing the separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk. This led to war between Ukraine and the separatists, with the separatists later proclaiming the two regions as independent “people’s republics” — although Ukraine maintained control over two-thirds of the territory up until Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022.

With Ukraine remaining the primary subject of Kremlin fakes, the EUvsDisinfo project has described Russian propaganda efforts as “a geopolitical weapon” aimed at fuelling conflict in the region.
Last year, Ukrainian filmmaker Kornii Hrytsiuk premiered his documentary, Zinema, which explores how the Russian government has been disseminating false narratives through cinema since the 1990s. The director has long been interested in the influence of Russian and Soviet-era propaganda on historical narratives about Ukraine.
Hrytsiuk tells SBS News he fears it is achieving its intended effect and eroding support for Ukraine.
“According to various polls, we see that support for Ukraine is generally falling for different reasons. Even in the allied countries that have helped a lot and continue to help, the level of support is still declining. Therefore, we can say that Russian propaganda is working,” he says.

“If Nazi Germany managed to build such powerful propaganda when there were not so many mechanisms and technologies, then now, with deepfakes and everything else, you can manipulate people even more — as we see.”

Australian academic fed fakes in Donbas

According to Horvath, Russia has created an extensive network of organisations “to influence Western perceptions of Russia, to influence Western politics and destabilise Western societies”.
He says some of its target media organisations have provided a legitimate platform for the Russian state to interact with content producers in the Western world.
“Responding to international criticism of the war by manipulating international perceptions of it and creating the impression that the outside world doesn’t understand why Russia went to war – that’s important for the regime,” Horvath explains.
Most Russian government media outlets are banned on YouTube and sanctioned by the US, the EU, and several countries, including Australia. However, a 2023 report by research agency NewsGuard shows that English-language Russian propaganda documentaries often fly under the radar on YouTube.

One such documentary — a special report from the English-language program ‘Russian Ark’ produced by the Russian Orthodox Church TV channel Spas — is sanctioned by the EU and banned on YouTube. Spas TV’s YouTube content can’t be accessed in Australia but the film can be found elsewhere online.

Two men standing outside a grey SUV. One is talking to the other and gesturing with his right arm as he does so.

In late 2024, the English-language program Russian Ark, produced by the Russian Orthodox Church TV channel Spas, featured a report about Australian former academic Tim Anderson (right) travelling to the occupied Donbas. Source: Supplied

The episode features Australian activist and former academic, Tim Anderson, who travels to Donbas with Spas TV reporter Andrey Afanasyev. Anderson has his own blogging channel on multiple social media platforms, with one boasting at least 222,000 followers.

Anderson made headlines in 2024 when he lost his bid in the Australian Federal Court to be reinstated as a lecturer in political economy at the University of Sydney. The university had sacked him in 2019 for showing an image of a Nazi hakenkreuz symbol on top of an Israeli flag during one of his lectures.
Walking down the street of Avdiivka in Donbas, Afanasyev tells Anderson that “Ukraine is just a part of Russia that is under control of the globalists”.

He then takes him to an empty playground and makes false claims about local children being kidnapped by humanitarian organisations for “paedophile or organ donor networks”.

In April 2024, EUvsDisinfo identified his narrative as central to a series of widespread pro-Russian fakes, aiming to deflect attention “from Russia’s own crimes in kidnapping Ukrainian children”. Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab has estimated that more than 35,000 Ukrainian children have been abducted by Russia over the past three years.

Sharing his impressions in a separate YouTube video after his trip, Anderson appears convinced by the propaganda, saying he was aware “the Russian forces had moved into the Donbas region to liberate the Russian people from the Kyiv regime”, going on to characterise Ukraine as “a neo-fascist puppet” of NATO and the US, installed after “the coup” in 2014.

Responding to questions put to him by SBS News, Anderson says he never measured any of his conversations with Donbas locals “against the EU propaganda agency”.
“When I was in the Donbas region late last year, I did visit Avdeevka [Avdiivka] and, amongst other things, spoke to several civilians, including two who were still very afraid of their children being kidnapped by a group called the ‘White Angels’.”
White Angels is a humanitarian organisation working in Ukraine, which delivers food, medicine and basic necessities to civilians close to the front line. It is one of the organisations that EUvsDisinfo has identified as being targeted by Russian disinformation.

There is no evidence to suggest it has been involved in kidnapping.

Russian disinformation in Australia

Patrick Boehler is a founder of the research firm Gazzetta, based in the Estonian capital Tallinn and New York. It supports media and tech companies to find ways around censorship and surveillance, especially in autocratic settings.
He says Russian disinformation remains a significant challenge because malicious actors have studied how Western journalism is performed — and know how to abuse it.
“They exploit the weaknesses of our media systems,” Boehler says.

“So they might have kind of ‘gotcha’ reports on some politician that are totally fake. But it feels exactly like the kind of journalism that we tend to do.

It really undermines trust in systems and that is ultimately the goal of Russian disinformation campaigns — that the trust in the institutional systems is fundamentally undermined.

Boehler says newsrooms should be cautious.
“A key challenge out there is that we’re looking for balance. Journalists, who might not be very familiar with the topic, might be looking for two sides of the story out of the best intentions.

“But what happens, for instance, is that you achieve a false balance between someone who is a victim and someone who is an oppressor.”

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The Senate inquiry into Australia’s support for Ukraine in 2024 recommended the federal government improve resources “to identify and address foreign interference and disinformation activities in Australia, including from Russian actors”. Credit: SBS

The role of the Australian media in spreading disinformation narratives became a focus of last year’s Senate inquiry into Australia’s support for Ukraine.

The inquiry tabled its report in October, stating: “Russia is not being held to account for its dissemination of propaganda” and recommending the federal government improve resources “to identify and address foreign interference and disinformation activities in Australia, including from Russian actors”.
Several submissions to the inquiry referred to examples when broadcasters allowed Russian disinformation to penetrate the Australian media “by relying on appearance of balance”.

One of the submissions came from Kateryna Argyrou, then-co-chair of the Australian Federation of Ukrainian Organisations (and later chair), who pointed out an episode of ABC’s Four Corners from March 2024 that broadcast part of the documentary Ukraine’s War: The Other Side.

Shot by the British documentary filmmaker Sean Langan in the Russian-occupied Donbas, the film, Argyrou argued, “completely regurgitated Russian propaganda”.
Speaking in the film about his motivation to make it, Langan says: “We’ve only seen one side of this war, I wanted to see the other side.”
The documentarian travelled to Donbas with a local “fixer” — a person who helps guide foreign journalists and helps with contact sourcing and translation — but he says in the film, he is “not sure” whether the fixer works for him or for the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (The Russian media in its coverage of Langan’s film stated the latter.)
The fixer tells Langan he is “not pro-Kremlin”, he’s “pro-Ukrainian”, but says “the Ukrainian government is against the Ukrainian people”.
When Langan talks to Donbas locals, one of them becomes visibly upset upon learning that Langan is from London. He explains it’s “because they [the British] support fascists”.

Langan also interviews Russian soldiers, some of them suggesting to “learn Russian history”, claiming it shows that “the Russians don’t attack, the Russians end wars”.

Ukraine’s Ambassador to Australia called the film “the journalistic equivalent of a bowl of vomit”, while the ABC defended its choice to broadcast the film on Four Corners, saying “the audience in Australia has the right to watch it and make up their own minds”.

In its response to the Senate inquiry report, the Australian government agreed with its recommendation to better address disinformation activities by Russian actors but also cited steps it is taking to protect “the democratic institutions at the federal, state and territory, and local level”. These include task forces set up through government agencies, as well as engagement with at-risk communities.

Journalists targeted for refusing to collaborate

Speaking with SBS News, experts and journalists have pointed out that since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, it has become near-impossible for independent journalists to report from the occupied territories without some form of oversight by Russian authorities.
Feldman says in the first years of the invasion, it was relatively possible to report from Donbas, including the Russian-backed separatist side.
Now, he does not know any foreign independent journalists working there.

“There are some press tours that are available for journalists, for those photographers or correspondents who work for Western media in Moscow, like Reuters, AFP, AP,” Feldman says.

Sometimes they are allowed near the front line, but I think most of what they see is kind of staged.

He explains journalists are not free to report in the occupied Donbas.
“They are brought to a nuclear station that is being occupied, and they are able to photograph there during the press tour. They have seen a few tanks or machines. But they are under some degree of control, not on the actual front line, and not obviously able to select what they photograph freely.”
According to Reporters Without Borders, as of June 2025, 29 Ukrainian journalists were detained by the Russian forces “after being mainly arrested in occupied Ukrainian territories for refusing to collaborate”.
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Ukrainian journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna was detained in the occupied Zaporizhzhia region in August 2023 and held in captivity in Russia for almost two years. Her mutilated body was returned to Ukraine with some organs missing in May 2025. Source: AP / Efrem Lukatsky

In May, Russia returned the body of 27-year-old journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna, who was detained in the occupied Zaporizhzhia region in August 2023. Roschyna was reportedly held captive in Russian-occupied Melitopol, with forensic examination of her body suggesting she was tortured. Her body was returned to Ukraine with some organs missing — the brain, eyes and larynx.

Foreign journalists have also been targeted in the occupied territories. In March 2022, Lithuanian documentary filmmaker Mantas Kvedaravičius was killed in Mariupol while trying to leave the Russian-occupied town.
Ukrainian film producer Anna Palenchuk, who worked with Kvedaravičius on his film Mariupolis tells SBS News: “When the full-scale Russian invasion started, he went back to Mariupol to evacuate our documentary characters from the film.”
“The Russian soldiers killed him. And now he is one of the killed filmmakers in this war.”

This story was part of a research trip hosted by the German Federal Foreign Office in cooperation with the National Press Club of Australia.

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