FILE - Annette Groos holds a sign before the start of a rally featuring former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg at the Statehouse in Indianapolis, Thursday, Sept. 18, 2025 for Indiana Democrats amid pressure from President Donald Trump on Republicans who control the state
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Spencer Deery’s morning took a harrowing turn when his son was preparing for school, only to find their home targeted in a swatting incident. An anonymous individual had fabricated an emergency, attempting to lure police into a forceful response.

Meanwhile, Linda Rogers has experienced unsettling threats directed at her home and the family-operated golf course—a business that has been part of her family legacy for generations.

Jean Leising found herself at the center of a nerve-wracking situation after a pipe bomb threat was reported to local authorities via email.

These distressing scenarios are part of a larger pattern affecting around a dozen Republican members of the Indiana Senate. While they work under the political influence of President Donald Trump, who is actively seeking to reconfigure the state’s congressional districts to bolster the party’s standing in the 2026 midterm elections, their personal lives have been thrown into disarray.

Such incidents serve as stark reminders of the dangerous climate in which these lawmakers operate. Despite their allegiance to the party, they never expected to conduct their duties under the looming threat of violence that has permeated the American political scene in recent years. Jean Leising aptly described the situation as both “dangerous and intimidating.”

Redistricting is normally done once a decade after a new national census. Trump wants to accelerate the process in hopes of protecting the Republicans’ thin majority in the U.S. House next year. His allies in Texas, Missouri, Ohio and North Carolina have already gone along with his plans for new political lines.

Now Trump’s campaign faces its greatest test yet in a stubborn pocket of Midwestern conservatism. Although Indiana Gov. Mike Braun and the House of Representatives are on board, the proposal may fall short with senators who value their civic traditions and independence over what they fear would be short-term partisan gain.

“When you have the president of the United States and your governor sending signals, you want to listen to them,” said Rogers, who has not declared her position on the redistricting push. “But it doesn’t mean you’ll compromise your values.”

On Friday, Trump posted a list of senators who “need encouragement to make the right decision,” and the conservative campaign organization Turning Point Action said it would spend heavily to unseat anyone who voted “no.”

Senators are scheduled to convene Monday to consider the proposal after months of turmoil. Resistance could signal the limits of Trump’s otherwise undisputed dominance of the Republican Party.

Threats shadow redistricting session

Deery considers himself lucky. The police in his hometown of West Lafayette knew the senator was a potential target for “swatting,” a dangerous type of hoax when someone reports a fake emergency to provoke an aggressive response from law enforcement.

So when Deery was targeted last month while his son and others were waiting for their daily bus ride to school, officers did not rush to the scene.

“You could have had SWAT teams driving in with guns out while there were kids in the area,” he said.

Deery was one of the first senators to publicly oppose the mid-decade redistricting, arguing it interferes with voters’ right to hold lawmakers accountable through elections.

“The country would be an uglier place for it,” he said just days after Vice President JD Vance visited the state in August, the first of two trips to talk with lawmakers about approving new maps.

Republican leaders in the Indiana Senate said in mid-November that they would not hold a vote on the matter because there was not enough support for it. Trump lashed out on social media, calling the senators weak and pathetic.

“Any Republican that votes against this important redistricting, potentially having an impact on America itself, should be PRIMARIED,” he wrote.

The threats against senators began shortly after that.

Sen. Sue Glick, a Republican who was first elected in 2010 and previously served as a local prosecutor, said she has never seen “this kind of rancor” in politics in her lifetime. She opposes redistricting, saying “it has the taint of cheating.”

Not even the plan’s supporters are immune to threats.

Republican Sen. Andy Zay said his vehicle-leasing business was targeted with a pipe bomb scare on the same day he learned that he would face a primary challenger who accuses Zay of being insufficiently conservative.

Zay, who has spent a decade in the Senate, believes the threat was related to his criticism of Trump’s effort to pressure lawmakers. But the White House has not heeded his suggestions to build public support for redistricting through a media campaign.

“When you push us around and into a corner, we’re not going to change because you hound us and threaten us,” Zay said. “For those who have made a decision to stand up for history and tradition, the tactics of persuasion do not embolden them to change their viewpoint.”

The White House did not respond to messages seeking a reaction to Zay’s comments.

Trump sees mixed support from Indiana

Trump easily won Indiana in all his presidential campaigns, and its leaders are unquestionably conservative. For example, the state was the first to restrict abortion after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.

But Indiana’s political culture never became saturated with the sensibilities of Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement. Some 21% of Republican voters backed Nikki Haley over Trump in last year’s presidential primary, even though the former South Carolina governor had already suspended her campaign two months earlier.

Trump also holds a grudge against Indiana’s Mike Pence, who served the state as a congressman and governor before becoming Trump’s first vice president. A devout evangelical, Pence loyally accommodated Trump’s indiscretions and scandals but refused to go along with Trump’s attempt on Jan. 6, 2021, to overturn Democrat Joe Biden’s victory.

“Mike Pence didn’t have the courage to do what was necessary,” Trump posted online after an angry crowd of his supporters breached the U.S. Capitol.

Pence has not taken a public stance on his home state’s redistricting effort. But the governor before him, Republican Mitch Daniels, recently said it was “clearly wrong.”

The proposed map, which was released Monday and approved by the state House on Friday, attempts to dilute the influence of Democratic voters in Indianapolis by splitting up the city. Parts of the capital would be grafted onto four different Republican-leaning districts, one of which would stretch all the way south to the border with Kentucky.

Rogers, the senator whose family owns the golf course, declined to discuss her feelings about the redistricting. A soft-spoken business leader from the suburbs of South Bend, she said she was “very disappointed” about the threats.

On Monday, Rogers will be front and center as a member of the Senate Elections Committee, the first one in that chamber to consider the redistricting bill.

“We need to do things in a civil manner and have polite discourse,” she said.

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Beaumont reported from Des Moines, Iowa, and Volmert from Lansing, Mich.

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