Home Blog Page 26

Sally Yates’ Review of Alleged Cornell Gang Rape Could Scrutinize Key Police Interview, Attorney Says

0

A campus police interview that prosecutors say they did not receive in full before initially declining to file charges in an alleged rape case at Cornell University could come under renewed scrutiny as former Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates examines how the Ivy League institution handled the allegations.

Cornell’s trustees selected Yates, who served as deputy attorney general during the Obama administration, to lead a broad independent review of allegations made in October 2024 involving members of the Chi Phi fraternity. The review follows a university investigation that ended with students being expelled or suspended.

The woman identified in court documents as Jane Doe told Cornell University Police during a November 2024 interview, “I can say with 100% confidence I was raped,” according to a transcript obtained by CBS News. She also characterized subsequent sexual activity as coercive and said she had been “completely and totally incapacitated.”

Tompkins County District Attorney Matthew Van Houten said his office instead reviewed a six-page sworn statement portraying Doe’s participation in the sexual activity and drug use as voluntary and consensual.

Van Houten said prosecutors did not initially receive the complete interview. Speaking to CBS News last week, he said the fuller account “changes the landscape for me.”

Split image of Cornell University's Tudor-style Chi Phi fraternity house on the left and former Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates wearing a purple blazer on the right.

Former Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates (right) is reviewing Cornell University’s handling of sexual assault allegations involving members of its Chi Phi fraternity, whose house is pictured at left. (Ryan Murphy/Getty Images; Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Scott Iseman, a New York attorney who has represented students accused of campus sexual misconduct, said Yates may compare Doe’s complete police interview with her sworn statement, later testimony and other evidence collected during Cornell’s investigation.

“Those full recorded interviews, I can tell you from experience, have a treasure trove of information that are really, really important to exactly what happened,” Iseman said.

“It wouldn’t surprise me if there was additional information in there that would have changed the trajectory of this case because that happens all the time,” he added.

Iseman said the apparent discrepancies between Doe’s full interview and the shorter sworn statement could prove especially important.

“Law enforcement is supposed to make sure that all salient facts are included in that sworn statement,” he said.

Cornell said its police department provided prosecutors with Doe’s sworn statement and a Snapchat screenshot in 2024. The university described that evidence-sharing process as standard protocol when a possible crime is reported.

Iseman emphasized that he had not seen the complete interview, which has not been released publicly, and therefore could not assess whether the missing material was significant. It is still unclear why the full interview was not initially sent to Van Houten’s office. News Media contacted Cornell University Police and the Tompkins County District Attorney’s Office seeking clarification.

Cornell said Yates and her team will have access to relevant records, case files, university employees and school leaders as they evaluate the institution’s response. The review will examine Cornell’s original Title IX process, which determines whether students violated university sexual misconduct policies—not whether a crime occurred under criminal law.

In addition to the police interview, Iseman said Yates could determine whether potential witnesses were never interviewed, text messages or social media evidence were overlooked, or other information failed to surface during Cornell’s initial investigation.

“There’s a lot that potentially she could uncover,” Iseman said.

Still, he warned against concluding that Cornell mishandled the allegations before the independent review is complete.

“It may have all been done very appropriately by Cornell. We don’t know yet.”

Cornell University

Former Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates is reviewing Cornell University’s handling of the allegations. (TW Farlow/Getty Images)

Cornell has defended its response, citing an extensive investigation that included more than 50 interviews and 12 days of disciplinary hearings.

University President Michael Kotlikoff said two of the seven accused students were expelled, two were suspended for at least two semesters, one had graduated before discipline could be imposed and two were found not responsible for sexual misconduct.

Cornell said both the accuser and accused students had opportunities to review evidence, testify and challenge the findings through an appeals process.

Yates was brought in after the case erupted into a national firestorm following Doe’s Sept. 16 lawsuit, which laid out graphic allegations that seven Chi Phi fraternity members drugged and sexually assaulted her during a night involving alcohol, drugs and group sex at their fraternity house in October 2024. The allegations have since sparked protests on campus while New York Attorney General Letitia James’ office is conducting a separate criminal investigation.

The men have denied wrongdoing, with some maintaining the sexual activity was consensual and others denying they participated. No criminal charges have been filed against the seven men.

Yates’ investigation extends beyond the Chi Phi case to examine how Cornell handles sexual misconduct allegations across campus, including its oversight of fraternities, sororities and other student organizations.

Her team at law firm King & Spalding will also assess Cornell’s practices against federal and state laws and examine whether the university followed its own procedures in responding to the Chi Phi allegations.

Any new or previously overlooked evidence identified during the review could potentially be shared with James’ office, Iseman said, though Yates herself has no authority to bring charges.

Thousands of Cornell University students and others from the Cornell community fill Ho Plaza

Thousands of Cornell University students and others from the Cornell community fill Ho Plaza for the Justice for Survivors protest hosted by twenty student organizations Monday, Oct. 5, 2026. (Matt Burkhartt/For The Washington Post via Getty Images)

Her findings could also lead to recommendations for improving Cornell’s procedures, even if the university is found to have followed its existing rules. Cornell said Yates will report her findings and recommendations to a special committee of its Board of Trustees, which intends to share the results with the university community.

Yates has tackled explosive misconduct allegations before.

Her 2022 investigation into women’s professional soccer exposed widespread sexual harassment, coercion and abuse by coaches, along with failures by league officials to act on complaints.

What began as an investigation into individual coaches exposed much wider problems across women’s soccer, prompting a series of recommendations for sweeping reforms that U.S. Soccer subsequently pledged to implement.

The Cornell case also highlights a wider debate over the legal protections available to students accused of serious sexual misconduct, even as universities have the power to expel them.

John R. Grasso, a Rhode Island criminal defense attorney and former police officer who has represented accused students for two decades, argued that campus disciplinary proceedings can carry life-altering consequences without offering the same legal protections available in criminal court.

“When I defend a student on campus, we don’t have any right to discovery. We can’t compel the production of anything,” Grasso said.

He said those limitations can make it difficult for attorneys to obtain potentially important text messages, photographs and other evidence that might support an accused student’s defense.

Grasso also described the difficult choice students can face when university disciplinary proceedings and criminal investigations overlap: participating in campus proceedings and potentially making statements that could affect a criminal case, or remaining silent and risking disciplinary consequences.

“I have a right to remain silent, but if I don’t participate, I’m getting found responsible,” he said, describing the dilemma he has encountered representing students.

cornell-rape-chi-phi-fox-news_097

General view of the now-shuttered Chi Phi fraternity house at 107 Edgemoor Lane in Ithaca, NY., Tueaday, October 6, 2026. (Richard Beetham for News Media)

Grasso said the consequences of campus sexual misconduct allegations can extend far beyond disciplinary hearings, describing students whose education, reputations and emotional well-being have suffered even when they were ultimately cleared.

“Bad things happen to the accused the minute a complaint is filed against them on campus. Really bad things,” he said.

With the allegations now under renewed scrutiny, Iseman stressed the importance of keeping an open mind about what actually happened.

“Just because the allegations are salacious or dramatic does not mean that’s what happened,” Iseman said. “So people need to keep an open mind.”

Why South Africa’s Whites-Only Enclave Is Gaining Popularity

0

Thirty-two years after apartheid ended, black South Africans remain barred from living or working in the town of Orania.

Set beside the Orange River in the Karoo of South Africa’s Northern Cape province, the all-white settlement stands as a troubling remnant of the country’s era of state-enforced racial separation.

Built across 8,000 hectares of farmland and home to roughly 3,000 people, Orania admits only Afrikaners—the ethnic group largely descended from Dutch settlers who arrived at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652.

Frans de Klerk has spent most of his life in the secluded community and says he plans to remain there until he dies.

Now 26, de Klerk says he can imagine no better place than the isolated enclave. Orania was founded a year after Nelson Mandela’s release from Robben Island, just before white-minority rule came to an end elsewhere in South Africa.

“It’s not separatism as much as it is preservation, or just finding a place that we can simply call home,” he says. De Klerk rejects the idea that Orania is driven by white supremacist beliefs, describing it instead as an effort to preserve Afrikaner culture.

Still, reminders of apartheid appear throughout the gated town, from old-era flags to monuments honoring former prime ministers. The displays contribute to the unsettling impression of a settlement frozen in time—and determined to remain apart from black South Africa.

Critics have compared Orania with a modern ethnic Bantustan, the segregated territories created under Hendrik Verwoerd, the former prime minister frequently described as the “architect of apartheid.”

Frans de Klerk has spent the majority of his life in the whites-only Afrikaner town of Orania, and he intends to die there

Frans de Klerk has spent most of his life in Orania, the whites-only Afrikaner settlement where he says he plans to die

Cara Tomlinson, 24, poses for a portrait in the 'Kultuurhistoriese' (Cultural History) Museum in Orania, on January 27

Cara Tomlinson, 24, poses inside Orania’s Kultuurhistoriese, or Cultural History, Museum on January 27

A spectator grills meat on a braai (barbecue) during an oval dirt racing event at the Orania Ovaalbaan Club in Orania, on May 30

A spectator cooks meat on a braai during an oval dirt-racing event at the Orania Ovaalbaan Club on May 30

“What we are against is forced integration,” de Klerk says during a Zoom interview from his office. Behind him hangs the Orania flag, whose orange, white and blue design closely echoes the colors of the former republic.

South Africa marks Freedom Day each year on April 27, commemorating the landmark 1994 elections that brought the country’s first democratic government and formally ended decades of racial oppression.

Yet in Orania, which celebrated its 35th anniversary this year, many of apartheid’s symbols and ideas remain visible, roughly 380 miles southwest of Johannesburg.

“Orania is a town, certainly, but in a much more real sense, it is a project,” de Klerk says.

“A project for Afrikaners to build their own freedom, to be able to make their own decisions.”

The community is expanding and now includes two schools, a college, shops, bars, hair salons and numerous churches. It is also drawing more young residents, attracted by the promise of returning to their roots and rediscovering their identity.

Anyone seeking to move to Orania must first submit an application.

Applicants must be Afrikaner, speak fluent Afrikaans and have no criminal record to be considered for admission.

For many residents, Orania’s appeal lies in the sense of security it offers them from dangers they associate with life beyond the enclave.

‘There is a safety and security in this community that you will rarely see elsewhere in South Africa. In Orania, you are safe to wander the streets, even late at night. Children can safely ride their bicycles or walk to school and back,’ de Klerk says.

‘I see the interviews people do with residents of Orania, and many of them say they moved here for their own safety. I’ve heard stories about people’s houses being broken into, and afterwards, they made the decision to come.

‘I spoke to a lady this year, who was a victim of a farm attack in South Africa and is looking for solutions, and is considering Orania.’

De Klerk suggests Arikaners, who number more than 2.5 million out of a population of more than 60 million, are a persecuted minority.

As he speaks of politicians calling for Boers to be killed, he echoes the language of US President Donald Trump, who in February 2025 delivered a controversial executive order announcing a refugee resettlement programme for Afrikaners who he said were fleeing a ‘white genocide’.

Since then, more than 13,000 have moved to the US, according to state department figures. 

Arrivals are also accelerating, with more than 2,600 admitted in August.

But the South African government has criticised Washington’s decision to prioritise refugee applications from white Afrikaners, saying claims of a white genocide have been widely discredited and lack reliable evidence.

In February last year, a South African judge dismissed the idea of a white genocide as ‘clearly imagined’ and ‘not real’, and ministers have tried to emphasise that official crime data does not show farmers or white people experiencing crime at higher rates.

White South Africans still hold three-quarters of privately held land in the country, and control about 60 per cent of top corporate management jobs, despite comprising only 7 per cent of the population.

And while affirmative action policies have helped to develop a black elite and middle class, about 38 per cent of black South Africans are unemployed, compared with 9 per cent of white South Africans, according to official data.

Three decades after apartheid, the average white household in South Africa still holds 20 times more wealth than the average black household.

But de Klerk insists white people are the victims in the democratic nation. ‘The race-based laws of apartheid have certainly switched to a more discriminatory law system, discriminating against white people,’ he says. 

The growing community - which has two schools, a college, shops, bars, hair salons, and numerous churches - is increasingly attracting more young people, drawn to the prospect of ‘coming back to their roots’

The growing community – which has two schools, a college, shops, bars, hair salons, and numerous churches – is increasingly attracting more young people, drawn to the prospect of ‘coming back to their roots’

Norman van Heerden (left), 18, Belly Sharpe (centre), 18, and Eben Mans (right), 20, pose for a portrait in a room at the 'Vaalbos Manskoshuis', Vaalbos boys hostel, in Orania, on January 28

Norman van Heerden (left), 18, Belly Sharpe (centre), 18, and Eben Mans (right), 20, pose for a portrait in a room at the ‘Vaalbos Manskoshuis’, Vaalbos boys hostel, in Orania, on January 28

A group of students look into a room of the Steenbok hostel in Orania, on January 29

A group of students look into a room of the Steenbok hostel in Orania, on January 29

The community’s totem is the De Kleine Reu or ‘the little giant’ - a man with rolled-up sleeves, symbolising self-reliance and manual labour

The community’s totem is the De Kleine Reu or ‘the little giant’ – a man with rolled-up sleeves, symbolising self-reliance and manual labour

On Friday nights, the younger generation of the town congregate at Stokkies bar, where students from the enclave’s new training college gather for country music and drinks.

Nearly all its 250 students come from elsewhere, selected – as are all residents – on the basis of ethnicity, religion and a strong work ethic.

The college is planning for an intake of 800 students within four years, according to town spokesman Joost Strydom, noting the dormitories under construction.

But few are likely to stay after graduation: jobs are scarce and the biggest nearby town, Hopetown, with 10,000 inhabitants, is 25 miles away.

Nevertheless, de Klerk posits that within the settlement, quality of life is vastly better than anywhere else on the outside. 

‘You have the freedom to organise your own jogging club, go for a swim in the river, or at the swimming pool. 

‘Picnics, stargazing… there are sporting clubs, movie nights, the churches also have their own youth groups organising coffee [outings].’

Try as he might to paint the enclave as a quaint idyll, anybody who does not fit the white-only racial profile of inhabitants is likely to feel like an unwelcome outsider in the arid land. 

The town, which he says is supported by ‘strategic relationships’ with sympathisers in Belgium and American Republicans, has its own distinctive calendar, different to the rest of the nation.

April 6 marks Founder’s Day, commemorating when Dutch colonial administrator Jan van Riebeeck, working for the Dutch East India Company, established the settlement at the southern tip of Africa that became Cape Town in 1652.

The day was once celebrated country-wide as a national holiday, but was abolished by the new democratic government in 1994.

The face of van Riebeeck also formerly adorned the national currency, the rand, which now bears the image of the first black president.

Other historical events are granted special importance such as the Day of the Vow, when a small force of Voortrekkers (people of Dutch extract) defeated a Zulu force on December 16, 1838, during the Battle of Blood River.

On a rocky hill above the settlement, the bronze busts of pre-democracy Afrikaner leaders preside over the town. 

Paul Kruger, JBM Hertzog, DF Malan, JG Strijdom and Verwoerd gaze out across the vast semi-desert of the Karoo, as vestiges of another age.

Disdained elsewhere, Oranians herald these men as heroes. 

Verwoerd, the editor of the National Party’s pro-Nazi Die Transvaler during World War II, is widely dubbed the ‘father of apartheid’ for his fundamental role in socially engineering the country’s segregation decrees as minister of native affairs in 1950 and later as prime minister in 1958.

He instantiated the system that banned marriages across racial lines, reserved many skilled and semi-skilled jobs for white people, and forced black people to live in what were called townships and homelands.

He infamously remarked in the 1950s that ‘blacks should never be shown the greener pastures of education. They should know their station in life is to be hewers of wood and drawers of water’.

Two groups of student build a fence at the farm of the Bo-Karoo Opleiding training institution, in Orania, on January 29

Two groups of student build a fence at the farm of the Bo-Karoo Opleiding training institution, in Orania, on January 29

Eben Mans, 20, poses for a portrait in his room at the 'Vaalbos Manskoshuis', Vaalbos boys hostel, in Orania, on January 2

Eben Mans, 20, poses for a portrait in his room at the ‘Vaalbos Manskoshuis’, Vaalbos boys hostel, in Orania, on January 2

Students talk at the balcony of the Steenbok hostel in Orania, on January 29

Students talk at the balcony of the Steenbok hostel in Orania, on January 29

Students of the Bo-Karoo Opleiding training institution in Orania during a rehearsal for the concert of June, on January 27

Students of the Bo-Karoo Opleiding training institution in Orania during a rehearsal for the concert of June, on January 27

The dismantling of white minority rule in 1994 ushered in a new era for South Africa, widely dubbed the ‘Rainbow Nation’, but for some Afrikaners like de Klerk, the change was threatening.

‘Forced integration forces people into not being able to freely or practically speak their own languages, or have their own heritage days,’ he says.

‘When one culture starts to accommodate another, then you have to take a little bit away from yours to make space for another. 

‘And then it is lost to history.’

He continues: ‘It’s a question of freedom of association. We feel that people should be free to associate with their groups – with their cultures – as far as they can.’

For de Klerk, marrying out of the Afrikaner ethnicity, or attending schools where other languages apart from Afrikaans are spoken, is destructive to his sense of identity, making its dissolution inevitable.

‘I don’t see Afrikaners as superior. I see the Afrikaner people as the culture that I’m in, and that I’m most comfortable in.

‘I would always choose to rather live amongst my own people than with others, but that’s not a superiority complex – that’s simply association and comfort,’ de Klerk says. 

White-only enclaves such as Orania and Kleinfontein, founded in 1990 near Pretoria, have met fierce criticism from across South Africa.

‘ActionSA firmly declares that Orania and Kleinfontein are not cultural enclaves but ideological fault lines,’ said the party’s chief whip, Lerato Ngobeni, in a May 2025 statement.

‘These communities are not heritage sites; they are sanctuaries of apartheid nostalgia, dressed up in the language of self-determination, but founded on the very bones of a brutal, exclusionary past.’

She warned that behind the fences of Orania and Kleinfontein, ‘children are not learning culture’.

‘They are being taught to fear difference, to internalise racial superiority, and to live apart rather than together.’

Orania founders displaced a community of 500 poor black and mixed-race squatters, who had made their homes in the buildings of an abandoned 1960s industrial project on the banks on the southern banks of the Orange River

Orania founders displaced a community of 500 poor black and mixed-race squatters, who had made their homes in the buildings of an abandoned 1960s industrial project on the banks on the southern banks of the Orange River

A cross, lit with red bulbs, decorates the facade of a house in Orania, on January 28

A cross, lit with red bulbs, decorates the facade of a house in Orania, on January 28

A group of students during a break outside the Bo-Karoo Opleiding training institution in Orania, on January 28

A group of students during a break outside the Bo-Karoo Opleiding training institution in Orania, on January 28

Orania residents reveal a commemorative statue depicting a British soldier kicking a Boer woman holding the hand of a child at the cemetery built on the site of the Anglo-Boer war concentration camp of Doornbult near Orania, on May 30

Orania residents reveal a commemorative statue depicting a British soldier kicking a Boer woman holding the hand of a child at the cemetery built on the site of the Anglo-Boer war concentration camp of Doornbult near Orania, on May 30

Carel Boshoff (right) holds his grandson Carel Boshoff, Alida Boshoff (right), 23, sits on the floor next to her brother Hendrik Boshoff (left), 28, Anje Boshoff holds her grandson Sarel Boshoff, 4, Willem Boshoff (left), 20, stands next to his brother Carel, who holds his son Hendrik, 1, and stands next to his wife Melissa Boshoff in Orania, on January 28

Carel Boshoff (right) holds his grandson Carel Boshoff, Alida Boshoff (right), 23, sits on the floor next to her brother Hendrik Boshoff (left), 28, Anje Boshoff holds her grandson Sarel Boshoff, 4, Willem Boshoff (left), 20, stands next to his brother Carel, who holds his son Hendrik, 1, and stands next to his wife Melissa Boshoff in Orania, on January 28

Belly Sharpe (centre), 18, and Eben Mans (right), 20, laugh with a friend at the entrance of their apartment at the 'Vaalbos Manskoshuis', Vaalbos boys hostel, in Orania, on January 28

Belly Sharpe (centre), 18, and Eben Mans (right), 20, laugh with a friend at the entrance of their apartment at the ‘Vaalbos Manskoshuis’, Vaalbos boys hostel, in Orania, on January 28

While the 26-year-old, who works for the Orania Movement, maintains that he is not racist, the town he spends his life promoting has a troubled and violent history.

By the end of the 1980s, the probability of losing governmental authority had already dawned on several Afrikaners, with some assuming impending democracy put their way of life at risk.

During apartheid, Afrikaners ruled South Africa. The regime repressed the black majority, while keeping white people protected and affluent.

The fear about becoming a powerless minority motivated a small group of Afrikaners – including Verwoerd’s daughter and son-in-law, Carel Boshoff – to purchase a strip of land in the sparsely populated Karoo desert, which would become their new homeland.

By moving in, the founders displaced a community of 500 poor black and mixed-race squatters, who had made their homes in the buildings of an abandoned 1960s industrial project on the southern banks of the Orange River.

According to Cambridge historian Edward Cavanagh, Orania’s genesis marked one of the final large-scale evictions under apartheid.

It was completed with beatings, pistol whippings and dogs, he said.

One 55-year-old black man and his wife, who have lived on a small nearby plot since the 1980s, told the Guardian they were once pursued and harassed by a pickup truck laden with Orania stickers when walking home after an evening with friends. 

‘Now you must run,’ he told his wife at the time, pushing her through a fence. ‘I’ll be behind you.’

But de Klerk even rejects that his people descend from colonialists, framing the Afrikaners as a precarious people in an echo of rhetoric from the Trump administration.

‘Throughout history, we are often described as a nation always fleeing, a people in flight,’ he says.

He is also hesitant to recognise the sanctioned racial oppression that defined apartheid – associating the system instead with an unsustainable period of ‘centralisation’.

‘There was certainly discrimination, but we can see that today as well,’ he says regarding the country’s racist history, quickly claiming there are more ‘race laws’ in present-day South Africa than there were during apartheid.

He believes the separatist model of Orania is one which other countries should learn from.

‘I do hope so,’ he says, when asked about whether other nations might introduce a similar model of ethnicity-based living.

‘I’m not sure if it will happen, but I do hope so, and if there are people considering it, if they are looking at the experiment or the blueprint, Orania is always open to visitors.

‘For people to come and see what we are doing, and how we are doing it, and how it works.’

Sudan Paramilitary Drone Strike Killed 41 Near Ethiopia, Group Says

0

CAIRO – A drone attack attributed to Sudan’s powerful paramilitary Rapid Support Forces struck a group of displaced civilians near the Ethiopian border, killing 41 people, according to a rights-monitoring organization.

The strike occurred Friday in the Abu Shandi area of Blue Nile province, said Emergency Lawyers, a group documenting abuses during Sudan’s devastating conflict.

Eight children were among those killed, along with a large number of women, the organization reported.

The RSF did not immediately respond to a request seeking comment on the allegations.

The United Nations humanitarian office said it was horrified by reports of the attack, which also left dozens of people injured.

Denise Brown, the U.N.’s resident and humanitarian coordinator in Sudan, said the killings must be condemned and followed by accountability for what she described as a blatant violation of international humanitarian law. In a statement, she warned that the world was continuing to tolerate Sudan’s suffering as the war dragged on.

Sudan’s civil war began in April 2023, after a power struggle between the country’s military and the RSF erupted into fighting in Khartoum before spreading to other regions.

At least 150,000 people have died in the conflict, according to the conflict-monitoring group ACLED. Humanitarian organizations believe the actual toll could be considerably higher.

U.N. figures show that more than 12.4 million people have been driven from their homes, making Sudan the site of what aid agencies describe as the world’s largest humanitarian crisis. This year, 33.7 million people — including 17.3 million children — are expected to need urgent assistance, while about 825,000 children face severe acute malnutrition.

Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.

Lotto Worker Reveals What It Was Like Selling Australians the Dream of Winning Big

0

For several years, I stood behind the counter of a Lotto kiosk at Midland Gate, a shopping centre locals had nicknamed Hellgate. Located in one of Perth’s roughest suburbs, it was the sort of place that could make Sydney’s Mount Druitt seem almost like a gated estate. From there, I helped sell Australians the tantalising fantasy of instant wealth.

As a teenager, I had an unrivalled view of people’s superstitions, financial anxieties and, occasionally, the extraordinary luck that genuinely transformed someone’s life.

The kiosk had its regular customers, including plenty of lonely older men. They would shuffle to the counter, ask me to kiss their tickets for good fortune and promise to buy me a car or take me overseas if they struck the jackpot. Others wanted my birth date so they could turn it into a lucky number.

Needless to say, my involvement was never going to bring them romantic luck.

I eventually stopped counting the number of customers who told me, “Make sure you give me a winner.”

My imagined response was always the same: “Sorry, mate. I sold every winning ticket to the first 20 men who used that line today.”

Besides, if I had known which ticket would win, I would hardly have been earning $12 an hour behind the counter while politely pretending their joke was fresh.

Still, the most unfortunate piece of luck I encountered at the Lotto kiosk involved a customer who would eventually become my frequently criticised ex-boyfriend.

Former Lotto kiosk worker Sarah Brookes (above)

Former Lotto kiosk employee Sarah Brookes is pictured above.

Midland Gate (pictured) during the 90s was better known to locals as Hellgate - located in one of Perth's roughest neighbourhoods

In the 1990s, Midland Gate, pictured, was widely known as Hellgate and sat in one of Perth’s toughest neighbourhoods.

Office Lotto syndicates sparked bitter arguments over unpaid contributions, while some punters became fiercely protective of the machines they believed would bring them luck

Office Lotto syndicates regularly descended into disputes over missing payments, while some customers became intensely loyal to the particular machines they believed were lucky.

He came in one day to buy a ticket and apparently took a liking to my smile — and to my rather memorable uniform: synthetic trousers paired with a loud patterned top that looked as though it had been bought by my nan at a Katies clearance sale and might induce a seizure.

I, meanwhile, was drawn to his enthusiasm for travel and his almost childlike excitement about life.

This was long before Tinder, direct messages or pocket-sized smartphones. Mobile phones were still the size of house bricks, so he returned the next day and asked me on a date.

Like so many lottery tickets, he seemed full of potential at first. In reality, he turned out to be a disappointing loss who cost me considerably more than he ever gave back.

Yet the most surprising lesson from my time behind the Lotto counter had little to do with lucky numbers — or with choosing a partner.

I was astonished by how frequently people won without even knowing it.

During slow afternoons, my colleague and I would search the bins for abandoned scratch cards. Many older Australians struggled to read the instructions or had difficulty seeing the symbols clearly, which meant potential prizes were sometimes thrown away.

Some customers glanced at their ticket, assumed it was worthless and discarded it immediately. Others scratched off roughly four-fifths of the card, decided the untouched section was unlikely to contain anything valuable and tossed the whole thing out.

Lotterywest has pulled off one of the great marketing tricks of modern Australia: persuading people that buying a lottery ticket is both gambling and a community service

Lotterywest has mastered one of modern Australia’s most effective marketing messages: presenting the purchase of a lottery ticket as both a gamble and a way to support the wider community.

We’d casually fish them out and discover $5 winners, $10 winners and the occasional ticket worth far more.

On a good day, we’d find hundreds of dollars’ worth of prizes that had been thrown away by people who spent every week dreaming of a windfall but somehow couldn’t identify one when it was literally sitting in their hands.

Yet even that level of self-sabotage paled in comparison to what happened when jackpots got really big.

There were the frantic jackpot days when people convinced themselves they had to buy their tickets early or they’d end up with the ‘bad’ numbers.

Maths has never been my strongest subject, but I’m pretty sure probability doesn’t care whether you bought your ticket at 8am or five minutes before closing.

Try explaining that to someone who’d been queueing since breakfast because they were convinced all the lucky numbers would be gone by lunch.

Lottery players are optimists by nature, but some treated random number generation like a Boxing Day sale, as if the winning numbers were sitting in a pile out the back and the early birds got first pick.

There were customers who regularly confessed to accidentally running their multi-million-dollar dreams through the washing machine, leaving us to deal with mangled paper pulp and hoping the barcode scanner could somehow read a shredded ticket.

There were the regulars who became fiercely protective of ‘their’ terminal or the exact machine that printed their ticket

Nothing says ‘future millionaire’ quite like painstakingly piecing together a lottery ticket on the counter with sticky tape.

Then there was the syndicate drama. Office pools and family syndicates caused endless chaos.

Working the register meant listening to people argue over whether Cousin Bruce really paid his $5 contribution to the big rollover draw or watching someone try to sneak into a winning group after the numbers were announced.

There were also the regulars who became fiercely protective of ‘their’ terminal or the exact machine that printed their ticket.

If another customer stepped up to that particular register and won a small prize, they’d act as though their entire future had been stolen right out from under them.

Western Australians have a particularly intense relationship with lotto.

Maybe it’s because Perth doesn’t have pokies outside the casino. Maybe it’s Lotterywest’s near-mythical status. Maybe it’s the promise that every ticket somehow helps the community.

Whatever the reason, jackpots seemed to grip Perth in a way few other things could, turning otherwise sensible people into believers who genuinely thought the winning numbers might sell out.

Jackpots seem to grip Perth in a way few other things could, turning otherwise sensible people into believers who genuinely thought the winning numbers might sell out

And it’s big business. In 2025-26, Lotterywest returned more than $1billion to the community through grants and prizes.

Lotterywest, which has been around since 1933, has pulled off one of the great marketing tricks of modern Australia: persuading people that buying a lottery ticket is both gambling and community service.

We happily line up for a shot at instant riches while telling ourselves it’s all for a good cause.

So what did I learn from all of this? That the real product wasn’t a lottery ticket.

It was hope. Hope sold everywhere, but it sold especially well in Midland. 

This was a suburb where people joked: ‘What do you call a Midland girl in a white tracksuit? A bride.’

It was the sort of place where you couldn’t really call yourself a Perth local until you’d been barked at by the local icon Mad Dog while minding your own business.

But behind all the jokes was a community full of people who wanted something better.

Midland icon Mad Dog is pictured shopping at Midland Gate where he regularly hangs out

Midland icon Mad Dog is pictured shopping at Midland Gate where he regularly hangs out

Hope that next week would be different. Hope that debts would disappear. Hope that work would become optional. Hope that luck would finally call your number.

For a few dollars, a lottery ticket let people imagine a different life. Not forever. Just until the numbers came out.

Every week, they bought the dream all over again. Every now and then it paid off.

Most of the time, though, the dream cost more than it paid.

Which is why, looking back, I would have spent that weekly Slikpik money buying Vanguard ETFs instead.

Had I invested $7.40 a week rather than chasing Division One, I’d have tens of thousands of dollars more today.

Not quite a lottery jackpot but unlike Lotto, I’d actually be guaranteed to win.

RHOC Star Heather Dubrow Addresses Her Feud With Alexis Bellino and Whether Tamra Judge Betrayed Her

RHOC's Heather Dubrow on Alexis Drama, If Tamra Threw Her Under the Bus, and If Shannon Should Fully Trust Tamra, Plus Talks Apology to Carmella, Shades RHORI Cast, and Addresses Four Seasons Diss

Credit: imageSPACE/MediaPunch/INSTARimages, Instagram

Heather Dubrow revisited her tense conflict with Alexis Bellino on Thursday’s episode of Watch What Happens Live, after viewers saw the drama unfold on The Real Housewives of Orange County.

During the appearance, Heather also discussed whether Tamra Judge, 59, betrayed her, weighed in on whether Shannon Beador, 62, should place complete trust in Tamra, and explained her apology to Carmella Garcia, 44, whom she had previously called “trashy.” She also shared her blunt opinion of the Real Housewives of Rhode Island, reflected on Real Housewives Ultimate Girls Trip: Roaring 20th, and clarified her criticism of the Four Seasons.

“I have to be honest, the fight with Alexis was a lot,” Heather said during the October 8 episode of WWHL. “She’s genuinely one of the nicest girls, so it’s unfortunate.”

The disagreement began after Heather believed Alexis, 49, had given her a pointed look at an event hosted by Tamra. Heather then told Tamra, who later confronted Alexis about the moment.

Heather rejected the idea that Tamra had exposed her or thrown her under the bus. Instead, she believed Tamra was trying to protect her after speaking with Alexis before the gathering.

“I think she was defending me,” Heather explained. “She and Alexis had talked before the party, and the message was essentially, ‘Just come and be my friend. Nothing is going to happen here.’ Then Tamra was surprised and thought, ‘Wait, did you just start something?’”

Although Tamra and Shannon have experienced plenty of conflict over the years, including disagreements involving Tamra’s friendship with Alexis, Heather said Shannon “should” be able to trust Tamra completely.

Turning to Carmella, Heather acknowledged that she apologized after realizing her comments had been uncovered.

“Who apologizes for something nobody ever found out about?” she joked. “It would be, ‘Hi, Carmella. I said this about you. You never would have known, but I wanted to tell you.’” Heather added that she did not genuinely believe Carmella was a trashy person.

Heather also explained why she selected Carmella as her real estate agent instead of Gina Kirschenheiter, 42.

“She lives in San Diego, and her children are the same age as mine,” Heather said. “It just seemed like the obvious choice.”

After the RHUGT finale, Heather was asked which cast members were the most difficult guests at Dorinda Medley‘s Bluestone Manor.

“I hate to say it, but honestly, all of the Rhode Island women,” she answered.

Heather was also asked about claims that she and her RHOC castmates failed to properly honor Vicki Gunvalson, 64, during the cast’s Orange County celebration.

“I don’t appreciate that,” Heather said. She explained that she had been invited as a guest to celebrate 20 years of the OC franchise and recreate the bunco party from 15 years earlier.

Heather noted that she brought the original cake after its bow had been removed and delivered a speech that ultimately appeared on the show. “I felt like I showed up,” she said. “Whatever else happened, I had no control over. If I had been given control, it might have gone differently, but I was a guest.”

She also offered her review of the speech Andy Cohen, 58, delivered during the finale.

“The content gets a 10 from me, but the presentation was probably a three because you didn’t memorize it,” Heather said.

During the WWHL: After Show, Heather further explained a TikTok video in which she criticized the Four Seasons for covering her windows with cardboard and duct tape.

She recalled returning to the room and discovering that the windows had been covered with black construction paper secured by duct tape. “We came home, and the curtains were drawn like they always are,” Heather said. “The next day, Dr. Terry Dubrow lifted the curtains, and there was black construction paper and duct tape. It looked so makeshift and strange—honestly, it seemed like a fire hazard—and we were wondering, ‘What is happening here?’”

@heatherdubrow Not exactly what I expected … What is going on Four Seasons ?!?! 🤣🤣🤷🏻‍♀️🤷🏻‍♀️ #newyorkcity #dayinthelife #comewithme #fourseasonshotel #fourseasonsnewyork ♬ original sound – Heather Dubrow

The Real Housewives of Orange County season 20 airs Thursdays at 8/7c on Bravo.

Jessica Waite on Discovering Her Late Husband Was Unfaithful: ‘It Was Hell’

0

New York Construction Worker Rafael Peralta Dies After Being Submerged During Water Main Break

0

A 56-year-old construction worker from New York died Friday morning after being submerged during a water main break near Long Island’s largest shopping center.

Rafael Peralta, a Babylon resident, was working on a water line beneath Ring Road outside Roosevelt Field mall in East Garden City when rushing water engulfed him at approximately 11:13 a.m., according to Nassau County police and News12.

Peralta’s coworkers pulled him from the excavation after he became trapped underwater. First responders then performed what police described as “life-saving measures” at the scene.

He was transported to a nearby hospital, where he was pronounced dead, authorities said.

News12, citing the Town of Hempstead, reported that Peralta worked for a private contractor hired to service a private water main and hydrant.

The water main was located on Roosevelt Field property, and the mall had hired Peralta’s company for the work.

“Losing a loved one is really hard. Knowing that they went out there to provide for their families,” New York resident Alice Lindow told News12 near the site. “And I just want to pray for God’s comfort and strength for the family that is grieving a lost one, because it’s never easy.”

Police opened an investigation into Peralta’s death. Ring Road was closed for several hours between Stewart Avenue and Zeckendorf Boulevard, the outlet reported.

The fatal New York accident comes after a similar incident in Illinois, where a public works employee died after becoming trapped in an underground vault during a water main break.

Matthew Heiden, a Village of Westmont public works employee, was killed on Feb. 23, 2023, when water flooded the confined area where he was working, according to ABC7 Chicago.

Heiden, 20, was the crew’s youngest full-time employee. A lawsuit filed in November 2023 by the Cooney and Conway law firm on behalf of his estate alleges that he was “knowingly and intentionally” sent underground.

The lawsuit claims Heiden entered the confined space to work on a “non-isolated, fully energized” water main valve without a basic plan, proper training, safety equipment, support or supervision.

The legal action seeks damages from the village.

In March, a three-judge panel overturned a trial judge’s decision, allowing the lawsuit to move forward after it had initially been dismissed with prejudice.

Pattie Boyd’s Teeth Transformation: Her Changing Smile Explained

We may receive a commission on purchases made from links.

Pattie Boyd became a defining face of London’s Swinging Sixties. The former model is also remembered for her complicated romantic history with George Harrison and Eric Clapton, as well as for being Harrison’s first wife. Throughout those years, her distinctive gap-toothed smile became one of her most recognizable features. After divorcing Clapton in the 1980s, Boyd largely stepped away from public life. When she appeared in later years, however, fans noticed that her teeth had changed: she had closed the gap that once helped define her look.

It wasn’t something she actively pursued. Instead, a dentist urged her to fill it in. She regretted it, though. “Years later, I thought ‘Oh what a mistake, I rather liked my gap’ … ” she told The Times in 2007. Even though it’s gone, fans still appreciate that she rocked the gap back in her modeling days, helping bring diversity into the fashion world. ” … I loved her natural gap. It made Pattie who she was and was just something more cute and special about her. She had a look where it parted herself away from the normal 60s image that every model had at that time,” an Instagram user argued in 2022.

The change has prompted criticism from some Beatles fans on social media, though others continue to remember Boyd’s original smile fondly. “I thought the gap in her teeth was sexy!” one Reddit user wrote in defense in 2026. Boyd herself has said she misses the gap—and adjusting to changes in her appearance has involved more than her teeth.

Pattie Boyd has found peace in her changing looks

As a former model and cultural icon of the 1960s, Boyd has acknowledged that accepting the effects of aging has not always been simple. Her confidence comes and goes, but she has gradually become more comfortable with the process. “I still feel attractive. It sounds boastful, but I think I’m all right,” she wrote in her 2007 memoir, “Wonderful Tonight,” published in the U.K. as “Wonderful Today” (via The Guardian). In an interview with The Times, she also described the everyday insecurities that can surface as she gets older: “I just think, ‘Oh my God, are my arms good enough for this T-shirt?’” Boyd added, “See, I do love clothes — and clothes look good if you don’t look too old.”

Boyd’s early modeling career may have prepared her to view beauty in unconventional terms. She was drawn to the industry partly because she looked different and did not want to conform to traditional ideas of attractiveness. “When I started modelling in the late 50s, I did well because my image was slightly different. … I was lucky because magazines were ready to accept a new look,” she recalled in her memoir. After discovering fashion magazines as a teenager, Boyd identified with the fresh style emerging in the early 1960s. “These girls were young, fresh, and different. I wanted to be like them,” she wrote in “Wonderful Tonight,” contrasting them with the “stiff and sophisticated” models of the previous era.

That acceptance of individuality appears to have remained with Boyd as she grew older. Although embracing her changing appearance has sometimes been difficult, she has said she is increasingly at ease with herself. “I’ve become happier in my skin … I don’t mind ageing. I’m stable and quite a happy soul,” she wrote (via The Guardian).

Ohio Dog Park Shooting Over Trump Argument: Defense Claims Unclear

0

A legal expert told News Media that a jury weighing an Ohio dog park shooting tied to an argument about President Donald Trump could conclude that both men acted in self-defense—or that neither qualified for the defense.

Emmanuel “Mike” Mathews, 81, faces a felonious assault charge for shooting 55-year-old David Mattai on April 21 at Centerville Mills Park in Bainbridge Township, authorities said.

Mathews has pleaded not guilty.

Michael Benza, a law professor at Case Western Reserve University, said Ohio law generally bars defendants from claiming self-defense if they helped start the confrontation that ultimately led to the shooting.

Emmanuel Mathews faces charges in connection with a shooting at an Ohio dog park.

Emmanuel Mathews faces charges in connection with a shooting at an Ohio dog park. (Geauga County Sheriff’s Office)

Because both men allegedly contributed to the escalation, Benza said the case raises an unusual legal question.

“They could both be found at fault, which means neither of them would get self-defense,” Benza told News Media.

At the same time, self-defense claims often depend on each person’s subjective fear and perception of an immediate threat. For that reason, Benza said, “It’s also possible both get self-defense.”

Competing accounts

Mathews’ attorney, Ian Friedman, said the incident began with a verbal dispute, became physical at the park and ended with gunfire in the parking lot.

“Mr. Mathews was attempting to leave,” Friedman told News Media. “He was attempting to keep himself safe.”

Friedman said the dispute began after Mattai overheard Mathews speaking with a witness about Trump and objected to Mathews’ opinion that Trump is one of the nation’s greatest presidents.

Bainbridge Township Patrolman Friedrich Kaufmann testified during Mathews’ May 5 preliminary hearing at Chardon Municipal Court that Mattai drove away after the initial argument, then returned to the park roughly five minutes later.

David Mattai faces charges in connection with a shooting at an Ohio dog park.

David Mattai faces charges in connection with a shooting at an Ohio dog park. (Geauga County Sheriff’s Office)

Mathews remained at a picnic table with his dog when Mattai came back.

Mathews collected his belongings and headed toward his vehicle. After he crossed to the opposite side of a park fence, however, the two men exchanged insults and became involved in a physical confrontation.

Friedman said Mattai grabbed Mathews by the hair and pulled him into the fence. Mathews also said Mattai headbutted him. Mattai denied that allegation, but Friedman argued that an injury beneath Mathews’ eye supports his account.

After the physical encounter, both men moved back toward their vehicles after 70-year-old witness Jamie Jedlinsky reportedly intervened to defuse the dispute.

The dog park at Centerville Mills Park in Bainbridge Township, Ohio.

The dog park at Centerville Mills Park in Bainbridge Township, Ohio. (Google Maps)

Mathews got into his vehicle and allegedly placed a .45-caliber handgun on the dashboard. Mattai, who was standing in the parking area after putting his dog in his vehicle, then saw the firearm.

The men allegedly exchanged more words before Mathews fired one shot. Mattai retrieved a 9mm Taurus handgun from his Hyundai and fired six shots “almost contemporaneously” toward Mathews’ head and body, according to Friedman.

“We believe that Mattai was turning to retrieve his gun and coming back to aim at Mathews when the bullet struck the lower right portion of his back,” Friedman added.

Mathews was not injured in the gunfire exchange, but Mattai’s return fire hit Mathews’ vehicle at least four times.

Mattai previously told The New York Times that he did not physically touch Mathews after seeing Mathews’ weapon, and fired back in fear of his own safety.

Mattai’s wife, Sally Mattai, told the Times that her husband almost died after suffering a severe gunshot wound to his lower back that damaged his spine and required two separate emergency surgeries.

Mattai’s attorney, Ryan Fisher, said he believes public opinions have convoluted the case and created confusion.

“There are a great deal of differing opinions of what went on in the dog park that day,” Fisher told News Media.

Fisher’s response did not address the defense’s claims about the gun or the timing of the shots.

Geauga County Sheriff’s Office deputies arrested Mattai Aug. 5. He’s currently facing misdemeanor charges of assault and disorderly conduct.

‘You can’t be the first one to draw the gun’

Benza said introducing a firearm changes the legal footing of a physical scuffle, but he emphasized that the order of events greatly matter.

“You go from OK, we’re hitting each other… physically, punches are being thrown. Now you’ve pulled a weapon. You have now escalated this fight, which then justifies me escalating my response by then pulling my own gun and defending myself,” he said.

“But you can’t be the first one to draw the gun.”

Ohio law removes the duty to retreat when someone is lawfully in a location. Friedman said that since Mathews was legally allowed to be at the park, he had no obligation to flee.

“He certainly had no duty to retreat,” Friedman said. “Had he done anything different from what he did do in those seconds, he may not be here to talk about it today.”

Political challenges

Friedman said although the verbal argument began over politics, his client acted out of fear for his safety, not political retaliation.

“This was never about a political dispute for Mr. Mathews,” he said.

Benza, however, said the county’s politics could potentially complicate seating a jury, regardless of why the incident happened.

“In Geauga County, where this happened, it is a very Republican-dominated county,” Benza said.

“The one defendant may be concerned that he will end up with jurors who are very pro-Republican or pro-Trump, which would create his concerns about a fair jury.”

“The other defendant may want a pro-Trump jury because they would be so, well, he got what he deserved or something to that effect.”

President Donald Trump at White House

President Donald Trump listens as a reporter asks a question in the Oval Office of the White House, on Thursday, Aug. 27, 2026, in Washington. (Manuel Balce Ceneta/AP)

Now, the case may come down to a jury deciding whether Mathews had a genuine, reasonable fear for his life when he is accused of shooting Mattai.

Friedman predicted the evidence would show Mathews should never have been arrested, while Fisher said the case is “going to have to be flushed out by the jury in the upcoming trial.”

Mathews’ trial is scheduled to begin Feb. 16, at the Geauga County Court of Common Pleas.

If convicted, he could face a minimum sentence of five years and a maximum potential sentence of 15 years in an Ohio state prison, due to combined penalties of a second-degree felony assault charge and a mandatory firearm specification.

Mattai is scheduled for a pretrial hearing Oct. 28, at the Chardon Municipal Court. He told the Times that he is “willing to plead guilty or no contest,” if it means no jail time.

Michael Flatley and Niamh: The Story Behind Their Love Affair

0